Reassessing health crisis communication for a generation dealing with crisis fatigue by Janine Palencia Undergraduate Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Bachelor of Communication in the School of Communication © Janine Palencia 2024 CAPILANO UNIVERSITY Spring 2024 Copyright in this work rests with the author. Please ensure that any reproduction or re-use is done in accordance with the relevant national copyright legislation. Approval Name: Janine Palencia Degree: Bachelor of Communication Title: Reassessing health crisis communication for a generation dealing with crisis fatigue Examining Committee: Faculty Supervisor: Kym Stewart School of Communication ii Ethics Statement The author, whose name appears on the title page of this work, has obtained, for the research described in this work, Human Research Ethics approval from Capilano University Office of Research Ethics. A copy of the approval letter is attached: iii Abstract How does crisis fatigue affect a generation expressing declining trust towards public institutions? What would happen if another major health crisis broke out? How can public health cut through the noise in a media landscape saturated with misinformation? This paper seeks to understand how the Generation Z (Gen Z) experience of growing up with crisis media impacts interaction with health crisis and risk communications, and how to adapt existing frameworks to consider this emergent phenomenon. Building off research contextualized by the COVID-19 pandemic, the foundation of this study was developed around concepts of information overload and message fatigue. Analysis was conducted on existing health communication frameworks, social media campaigns from public health authorities in British Columbia, online discourse around crisis fatigue, and survey data on Gen Z’s mental health and media consumption habits. This study hopes to open inquiry into current health crisis and risk communication frameworks, with the goal of reassessing guidance to consider novel phenomenon experienced by younger generations. Keywords: gen z; crisis fatigue; message fatigue; mental health; health risk communication; crisis communication iv Dedication I’d like to dedicate this paper to the following people: To my friends & family, always cheering me on with whatever ambitious venture I have going, and feeding me during breaks. To my teams and management at Hollyburn Family Services – thank you for filling the gaps while I’m off pursuing my studies, and taking such great care of our kids & families. To the Communication Studies department at Capilano University, who continuously push me to go beyond my limits and do my best. To CAPUMA for giving me my first experience in grounded theory and inspiring the heart of this research. To Gen Z, thank you for caring so much about the world and everyone around you, despite how much doom and gloom you grew up seeing. You continue to inspire this Millennial. And of course, to my partner Karl, who’s held me up when I’d been too exhausted from everything I have going on, and continues to keep me grounded amidst my crazy ideas and schedules. I really couldn’t have done it without any of you. Thank you! v Table of Contents Approval ............................................................................................................................... ii Ethics Statement ................................................................................................................. iii Abstract ............................................................................................................................... iv Dedication ............................................................................................................................v Table of Contents................................................................................................................ vi List of Tables ..................................................................................................................... viii List of Figures...................................................................................................................... ix List of Acronyms ..................................................................................................................x Glossary .............................................................................................................................. xi Chapter 1. Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter 2. Literature review ......................................................................................... 3 2.1. Gen Z and crisis fatigue: a mental health issue ...................................................... 3 2.2. Crisis fatigue as an outcome of message fatigue ................................................... 4 2.3. Maintaining trust in public institutions ...................................................................... 5 2.4. Further Research ..................................................................................................... 6 Chapter 3. Methods ....................................................................................................... 7 3.1. Netnography............................................................................................................. 7 3.2. Online survey ........................................................................................................... 8 3.3. Analysis of health organizations’ communication frameworks................................ 9 Chapter 4. Results ....................................................................................................... 10 4.1. WHO’s ERC framework & B.C.’s Pandemic Plan ................................................. 10 4.2. Defining crisis fatigue ............................................................................................. 11 4.3. Crisis fatigue on TikTok ......................................................................................... 13 4.4. Survey results: the Gen Z experience ................................................................... 16 4.5. Public health on TikTok ......................................................................................... 21 Chapter 5. Discussion ................................................................................................. 25 Chapter 6. Limitations ................................................................................................. 26 Chapter 7. Conclusion................................................................................................. 27 References ....................................................................................................................... 29 Appendix A. Survey .................................................................................................. 35 Appendix B. Health authority areas in B.C. ........................................................... 36 Appendix C. Web content analysis, April 2020 – March 2021 ............................. 42 Appendix D. Web content analysis, April 2021 – March 2022 ............................. 43 vi Appendix E. Web content analysis, April 2022 – March 2023 ............................. 44 Appendix F. Web content analysis, April 2023 – March 2024 ............................. 45 Appendix G. WHO ERC Recommended Framework ............................................ 46 Appendix H. B.C. Influenza Pandemic Response Framework ............................ 47 Appendix I. Web content analysis - categories .................................................... 48 Appendix J. Evolution of Google definition of “crisis fatigue”........................... 49 Appendix K. Gen Z weekly concerns ..................................................................... 50 Appendix L. World events during Gen Z’s lifetime ............................................... 51 Appendix M. Social media habits vs. perceived mental health........................... 52 Appendix N. Number of social media platforms used ......................................... 53 Appendix O. Trust in institutions vs. perceived mental health ........................... 54 Appendix P. Sentiment of COVID-19 messaging in B.C. ..................................... 55 Appendix Q. How do you receive health-related news (currently)? ................... 56 Appendix R. What sources did you find trust-worthy when looking for information on COVID-19?................................................................................... 57 Appendix S. Health characteristics, annual estimates. ....................................... 58 vii List of Tables Table 1 - Excerpt of the WHO’s ERC framework (WHO, 2017). ..................................... 10 Table 2 - Excerpt from the British Columbia Pandemic Response Plan (Government of British Columbia, 2012) Communication and Education Framework. ..... 23 Table 3 - Excerpt from the WHO’s ERC guidelines (World Health Organization, 2017). 24 viii List of Figures Figure 1 – Summary of WHO ERC framework (World Health Organization [WHO], 2017). ................................................................................................................... 10 Figure 2 - Google Trends data on searches for "crisis fatigue" over a 10-year period. .. 12 Figure 3 - Number of posts with verbatim use of "crisis fatigue," between 2020-2024. .. 13 Figure 4 - Screenshot of Google Trends data over popularity of the term "unprecedented times" over the past 5 years. .................................................................... 14 Figure 5 - Screenshot of Google Trends data over popularity of the term "major historical events" over the past 5 years. .................................................................. 14 Figure 6 - Timeline chart of aggregated TikTok posts under analysis, making use of the term "major historical events" in their content. ......................................... 15 Figure 7 - @josh_p_jackson (2021) ................................................................................. 16 Figure 8 - @kindra_erhart (2022) ..................................................................................... 16 Figure 9 - @tea_moneyy (2022)....................................................................................... 16 Figure 10 - @highcountryoutlaw (2022) ........................................................................... 16 Figure 11 - Survey data on participants' perceived mental health, categorized by approximate years of birth. ....................................................................... 17 Figure 12 - Survey data comparing activities that respondents engage in during "good days" and "bad days." ............................................................................... 18 Figure 13 - Word cloud highlighting common themes and terms coming from survey participants' answers to the question "Finish the following sentence: When I watch/read the news (television, social media, etc), I feel…” ..... 19 Figure 14 - Survey participants' sentiment on their experience with B.C.'s pandemic communication efforts. .............................................................................. 20 Figure 15 - Comparison chart of frequency that survey participants seek out healthrelated news, currently vs. during the COVID-19 pandemic. ................... 21 Figure 16 - Vancouver Coastal Health's TikTok posting frequency between 2020-2024. ................................................................................................................... 22 Figure 17 - Fraser Health's TikTok posting frequency between 2020-2024.................... 22 Figure 18 - Norther Health's TikTok posting frequency between 2020-2024. ................. 23 ix List of Acronyms BCCDC British Columbia Centre for Disease Control BC SPEAK British Columbia Survey on Population Experiences, Action and Knowledge ERC Emergency Risk Communication WHO World Health Organization x Glossary Crisis communications Communications that respond to established crisis events, often used in tandem with risk communications during health crises Crisis fatigue A non-medical term used to describe burnout resulting from prolonged exposure to crisis and crisis events. Gen Z Generation Z – population born between 1997-2012 Risk communications Communications that respond to events with perceived risk, often used in tandem with crisis communications during health crises xi Chapter 1. Introduction Known as “digital natives,” Generation Z (Gen Z) are the first generation to grow up with the internet interwoven into their daily lives (McKinsey & Company, 2023). In 2005, when the oldest Gen Z began entering their teenage years, YouTube was first released (Hosch, 2024) and over 1 billion people were accessing the internet worldwide (Petrosyan, 2023). In 2007, the first iPhone was released (Apple, 2007) and 3G was standard speed for mobile browsing (Galazzo, 2020). In comparison to preceding generations, Gen Z have had the unique experience of having more access to real-time and unfiltered information, to an almost-inescapable degree. And with technology continuing to connect us in as many ways as possible, it has also opened the floodgates for large volumes of information to spill through in all channels of communications. As a novel virus, COVID-19 became one of the biggest health events in modern history. Experienced by multiple generations in ways never experienced before, it exposed the vulnerabilities and fragility of healthcare systems, and also became a very public test on crisis communication at a global scale. British Columbia, comprising multiple health regions (Appendix A), was seen as successful in its response during the early days of the pandemic, due largely to public leadership by Dr. Bonnie Henry (Porter, 2020). As the pandemic progressed, this perspective began to be questioned, caused in part by challenges in communication consistency (Wyton, 2022). Terminology changes drew public confusion (Jones, 2020), and misinformation scattered all throughout online forums. By early 2022, dissent became evident with public protests – approximately 500 trucks from British Columbia joined a nation-wide demonstration, the Freedom Convoy, spearheaded by Canadian truckers in opposition of vaccine mandates in the trucking industry (Chan, 2022). An ongoing flow of information, initially public health’s number one weapon in rallying public participation, turned against their efforts. Meanwhile, the disruption in Gen Z lives brought by stay-at-home orders and lockdowns saw a suspension in life milestones and segments of youth lost: bar mitzvas, 1 quinceañeras, graduations, driving lessons, summer jobs, among many more. It begs the question: how did this once-in-a-lifetime experience shape Gen Z’s outlooks in life? How did the non-stop flow of crisis information affect Gen Z’s mental health? And how did the pandemic impact Gen Z’s interactions with information shared by public institutions? This study examines how the emerging phenomenon of crisis fatigue has impacted the Gen Z population. This was done by looking at research conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, exploring message fatigue caused by information overlad, as well as conducting a mixed-method approach to confirm findings and theories at a local level. Analysis was then conducted to understand the current landscape of public health crisis and risk communications, to identify challenges and possible ways to move forward. 2 Chapter 2. Literature review 2.1. Gen Z and crisis fatigue: a mental health issue The Canadian Census classifies Gen Z as people born between 1997 and 2012, making up 6.71 million of the overall population as of 2021 (Statistics Canada, 2022). As a generation that grew up seeing a rapid development in communication technologies and the coming-of-age of the internet, access to news and information became part of everyday living. With information right at their fingertips, Gen Z no longer faced restrictions to news in the same ways that previous generations had, relying on access to news TV channels and structured publishing times. News, already available 24/7, saw an exponential increase in volume at the advent of social media. As of 2023, 85% of Canadians aged 15-34 reported getting news through social media or the internet (Statistics Canada, 2024). Wars, global economic instability, climate crises and health crises saturated screens of a generation still heading towards adulthood. Inevitably, this had an impact on mental health outcomes: Gen Z in the United States were more likely to report fair to poor mental health in comparison to other generations (American Psychological Association [APA], 2018, p. 4), and showed higher stress levels than other generations around issues covered by national news (APA, 2018, p. 3). This was exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, where Gen Z adults in the U.S. were more likely to report worse mental health in 2020 than 2019, compared to other generations (Vankar, 2023). A large factor surrounding poor mental health outcomes for Gen Z, especially within the sphere of social media during the COVID-19 pandemic, has been attributed to information overload (Liu et. al, 2023). Following a S-O-R (stimulus-organism-response) model, Liu et. al (2023) observed how environmental factors (social media information overload around COVID-19) influenced individuals’ (322 Gen Z UK residents) responses (social media discontinuance). The study’s findings pointed to increased likelihood of social media discontinuance following negative mental health outcomes from social media information overload. Information overload was found to lead to message fatigue. This was also observed by Sun & Lee (2023) in American college students, who linked these factors to behavioural outcomes in the form of message avoidance (p. 20349). 3 As communication technologies continue to evolve and extend ideas over time and space (Innis & Watson, 2008), we are seeing for the first time the consequences of more modern innovations. Constant exposure to crisis during an entire generation’s formative years has led to an emerging phenomenon of emotional and mental exhaustion: crisis fatigue (Kohli, 2023). 2.2. Crisis fatigue as an outcome of message fatigue Audience research company GWI revealed in their 2023 Connecting the Dots report that, in comparison to 2020 survey findings, there was an 11% increase in individuals between 16-64 expressing that social media use causes them anxiety. The report, drawing findings from over 950,000 surveys completed in 50 countries, also found a 90% decline in interest in news, politics, social issues and current events since 2020 (GWI, 2023). This downward trend aligns with risk communication studies contextualized by the COVID-19 pandemic. In a global study of digital crisis interaction among Gen Z and Millennials, respondents from over 50% of all participating countries reported to being overwhelmed by the amount of information they were exposed to about COVID-19 (Volkmer, 2021 p. 56). The study, identifying that crisis communication consists of continuous interaction across multiple sources (Volkmer, 2021, p. 1), suggested that information fatigue was a contributing factor to respondents expressing agreement towards the statement, “I stopped paying attention to news and information on COVID19 in general,” (Volkmer, 2021, p. 58) and going on to state that “[b]ased on these results, it is not surprising that respondents felt crisis fatigue and just stopped paying attention” (Volkmer, 2021, p. 59). In consideration to the magnitude of the COVID-19 pandemic, Sun & Lee (2023) identified that “the primary purpose of repetitive messaging in risk communication is to increase awareness about potential or imminent danger, thereby enhancing risk perception and protecting public health and life” (p. 20358). Their study, which looked at how information overload on social media during the pandemic led to message fatigue, examined message avoidance in the context of psychological reactance theory and cognitive load theory. 4 Seo et. al (2021) saw similar results among Italian adults, with one additional key finding: message fatigue in health risk communications can negatively relate to trust in public health information (p. 532). With public entities responsible for health risk communication, this provides additional challenges in pushing key messages through large volumes of misinformation that can be found across communication channels. However, it does not seem to be an absolute conclusion, as Sun & Lu (2023) found that communication from public health authorities on social media still held influence in health behaviour outcomes over communication by other social media users. The study, conducted online with 344 adults across America, found psychological reactance around COVID-19 vaccine messaging was reduced when public health authorities rebutted negative and misleading content online (Sun & Lu, 2023 p. 156). 2.3. Maintaining trust in public institutions In comparison to 2022 and 2023, Canadians were reported to have decreased trust in the Canadian healthcare system in 2024, (Maclellan & Eaton, 2024, p. 29) with British Columbia showing the least amount of trust in the Canadian healthcare system compared to Ontario, Quebec, Prairie provinces and the Atlantic provinces (Maclellan & Eaton, 2024, p. 31). As of 2023, 53% of Canadians aged 15 and older were reported to hold low levels of trust in media (Statistics Canada, 2024). It was also found that Canadians with low levels of trust in media were more likely to fact-check information (Statistics Canada, 2024). While good practice, the additional effort required to fact-check information on a regular basis can add to cognitive load. This circles back to the risk of information overload and message avoidance, which has been observed in real time: between 2020 and 2022, there was a 14% increase of consumers worldwide aged 16-64 who were reducing their time on social media in relation to declining trust in news (GWI, 2023). As health risk information primarily comes from public health agencies (Seo et. al, 2023, p. 536), maintaining a solid level of trust remains key in successful behavioural outcomes. Volkmer (2021) found that during the COVID-19 pandemic, a large group of Gen Z and millennials worldwide expressed levels of distrust in their government, feeling that their governments did not “present ‘the whole picture’ of crisis issues” (p. 59). A Romanian study interviewing Gen Z participants looked at communications based on 5 relationship marketing principles and found that relationship management was a key factor in the efficacy of building trust in messaging from public institutions (Stancioiu et al, 2021). While the study remains limited in its focus on Romanian society, it nevertheless provides insight on widely-practiced methods that could support improvements in health crisis and risk communication practices. 2.4. Further Research Further research within this area at larger scales present several layers of challenges considering moving cultural factors as well as communication practices. Crisis fatigue remains a relatively new phenomenon, though it is an off-shoot of an established phenomenon. However, considering the regionality of health authorities and public institutions, smaller-scale studies may be sufficient in accounting for these variables and present solutions with immediate utility for respective communities. Non-online communications would need to be considered to get a more nuanced understanding of experiences of individuals with limited to no access to internet technologies, especially as a significant amount of research in this area focus on social media and online communications. 6 Chapter 3. Methods 3.1. Netnography Due to the niche nature of crisis fatigue relating to public health communications, few studies were available with replicable research methods to confirm related communication theories. As a result, methods for this research were chosen to build on and complement related research, specifically message fatigue research contextualized by the COVID-19 pandemic. In these, both qualitative and quantitative methods were used. To better capture nuance within the subject of inquiry, qualitative and quantitative methods were also used in this study, namely netnography and surveying. Kozinets (2015) outlines netnographic research as “‘a specific set of related data collection, analysis, ethical and representational research practices'” that are conducted “within and upon the new tempero-spatial cultural coordinates mediated by contemporary networked communications, such as the Internet and the variety of devices and forms that humans use to access it” (p. 4). With 93% of Canadians between the age of 15-24 reported to be most likely to communicate with friends via the internet once per week, (Asselin et. al, 2021), online research became imperative to capture enough data within the short study timeframe. A netnographic approach deemed the most appropriate and accessible for this study, considering the large volume of content and public forums available online. A passive participant approach was used in the netnography, where observational data was gathered on the general web and social media (specifically TikTok) to get an understanding of the perception of crisis fatigue via internet culture. However, future research may benefit from an active participant approach: as Costello (2017) asserts, active participation, which incorporates researcher involvement in discussions held with groups being researched, “provide[s] an ideal mechanism for cocreation, which can help to sustain services that might otherwise be pruned back when resources are constrained” (p. 9). In essence, participating in discussions in online communities has the advantage of obtaining closer access to individuals, which may provide much deeper understanding of connections between life experiences and communication behaviours. 7 Webpages indexed by Google from searching “crisis fatigue” were chosen for analysis, filtered by specific timeframes (see Appendices C, D, E & F). Considering Google’s search page redesign in 2021 to replace pages with continuous scroll (Mehta, 2022), links were collected per inquiry up until Google’s search page prompted users to click for “more results,” with the understanding that click-through rates drop off drastically after the first search result (Tober, 2023). A total sample of 235 English-language pages were collected. Pages were then filtered based on their verbatim use of the term “crisis fatigue.” Webpages were then sorted based on categories of function for the website, focusing specifically on health, education, business, news or “other,” encapsulating all other types of content. This was done to find a universal definition of “crisis fatigue” in online spaces, and to determine if there were any evolutions of the concept resulting from world events or different industry contexts. In May 2022, Canadians between the ages of 18-29 were the majority age group of overall TikTok users in Canada, encapsulating a large proportion of the Canadian Gen Z population. TikTok, the fourth most used social network in Canada as of December 2023 (Statista, 2022, p. 18) was a chosen platform for its prevalence in Canadian Gen Z social media habits. A new account was made to ensure a “clean slate” for providing TikTok behaviour data in order to reach content relating to the topic of study. Posts were sought between February 19 - March 27, 2024, looking at specific keywords through TikTok’s search page as well as through app functions allowing users to view TikToks using specific audio. After filtering content for subject relevance, a sample of 68 Englishlanguage posts were collected for analysis. The main focus was to get an understanding of how themes around crisis fatigue were being discussed within the TikTok community and platform, as well as the language used around it. 3.2. Online survey An online survey (Appendix B) was then conducted to close the loop on understanding whether sentiments understood through netnography findings could be confirmed within local populations. This was done with the aim of understanding sentiment around public institutions, as well as provide a baseline for mental health measurement and compare online communication habits between good mental health days and bad mental health days. The survey also sought to understand whether the functions of “crisis fatigue”, mainly the constant exposure to crisis event coverage through people’s lifetimes, were 8 actually experienced by the target population. The survey was hosted through the researcher’s website on an installation of LimeSurvey. Dissemination was approached by asking faculty from Capilano University to share the survey to students who fit the participation criteria (individuals born between 1997-2005), and to share it with other instructors who would be able to share the survey with their students. Recruitment was also done online through posts on Reddit, TikTok and Instagram, to reach a broader group of individuals who may exist outside of the local academic community. A total of 36 responses were collected through these efforts between March 12 to March 22, 2024. 3.3. Analysis of health organizations’ communication frameworks Lastly, ERC (emergency risk communications) frameworks and pandemic communication guidance documents from the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Government of British Columbia were gathered to get an understanding of current guidance around managing communications during crisis events. These provided criteria to reflect on when assessing communication strategies implemented by public health institutions during crisis situations. Analysis was then done on posts on TikTok accounts by public health authorities to get an understanding of communication approaches from surrounding health regions. To address Canada’s public health structure being managed at a provincial level, data from British Columbia health authorities were selected. Profiles for Vancouver Coastal Health, Northern Health and Fraser Health were analyzed to observe trends and communication strategies employed via TikTok. 9 Chapter 4. Results 4.1. WHO’s ERC framework & B.C.’s Pandemic Plan ERC frameworks have been developed in public health to provide guidelines on managing public communication in events of health emergencies. The WHO (2017) defines risk communications as “the real-time exchange of information, advice and opinions between experts, community leaders, or officials and the people who are at risk” (p. ix). The WHO’s framework categorizes ERC recommendations into the following three processes (steps in each process can be seen in Appendix G): Figure 1 – Summary of WHO ERC framework (World Health Organization [WHO], 2017). The ERC practice is outlined as follows: Table 1 - Excerpt of the WHO’s ERC framework (WHO, 2017). 10 During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Government of British Columbia developed a Pandemic Provincial Coordination Plan (2020), providing a short rundown of roles and responsibilities around external communications, referring to the BC COVID-19 Response Plan for public communications for further guidelines (p. 15). The Government of British Columbia followed a Communication and Education Framework in response to influenza pandemics (see Appendix H), which was based off the WHO’s six-phased approach to a pandemic cycle (Government of British Columbia, 2012, p. 10). The Government of British Columbia employed multiple communications tools, including holding televised technical briefings, development of COVID-19 web portals for public information, fact sheets, and social media (Government of British Columbia, 2020, p. 16). 4.2. Defining crisis fatigue Though the term “crisis fatigue” existed prior to 2020, it began showing prevalence in health-focused websites between 2020 and 2021, until other websites began exploring it in mid 2021 (see Appendix I). Most posts around crisis fatigue were concerned with defining it akin to a medical ailment, identifying signs/symptoms of it, as well as tips to manage it. From April 2020 to March 2021, Google had not identified a recommended meaning for the term; however, from April 2021 onwards, Google would provide recommended definitions to “crisis fatigue” (see Appendix J). The term appeared to retain the same meaning throughout the different contexts in which it was written about: the burnout and fatigue resulting from prolonged exposure to crisis and crisis events. 11 Figure 2 - Google Trends data on searches for "crisis fatigue" over a 10-year period. Between 2020 and 2021, multiple search listings mentioning “crisis fatigue” concerned themselves with the global pandemic. Crisis fatigue results were also often listed alongside websites that concerned themselves with other COVID-19-related and health terms such as “compassion fatigue,” “burnout” and “chronic fatigue syndrome.” April 2020 to March 2021 saw a larger number of pages published on topics around “crisis fatigue” in comparison to subsequent time frames (Figure 3). Heading into 2022 and onwards, search results began to explore crisis fatigue around other events, such as wars, famine and environmental issues. Between 2023-2024, artistic works titled “crisis fatigue” begun to be surface online. 12 Figure 3 - Number of posts with verbatim use of "crisis fatigue," between 2020-2024. 4.3. Crisis fatigue on TikTok One point of interest was the lack of cross-over of language found in webpages and articles on TikTok posts. Despite the large collection of websites normalizing the term “crisis fatigue” over the past few years, search results for “crisis fatigue” on TikTok displayed posts around trauma and mental health crisis responses – different subject matter than discourse on the phenomenon itself. Instead, language from COVID-19 communications, specifically the phrase “unprecedented times” became an artifact when seeking sentiment around crisis fatigue, as well as variations of the phrase “major historical events.” This became an important consideration in getting an understanding of how Gen Z applied language when discussing personal experiences. TikTok posts published between 2021 and 2024 were collected for content and trend analysis. The majority of relevant posts found were posted in 2022, which align with Google Trends data (Figures 4 and 5) on when the terms “unprecedented times” and “major historical events” could have been adopted in the general public’s vernacular. 13 Figure 4 - Screenshot of Google Trends data over popularity of the term "unprecedented times" over the past 5 years. Figure 5 - Screenshot of Google Trends data over popularity of the term "major historical events" over the past 5 years. 14 Similar to Figure 5, Figure 6 shows that TikTok posts using the term “major historical events” appeared more likely around the same time as an announcement of a major world event. Figure 6 displays a timeline of the posts that were analyzed, and when they were posted. Specific events that were of interest included the Insurrection (January 6, 2021), the Russian/Ukraine war (February 24, 2022), the overturning of Roe v. Wade in the United States (June 24, 2022), Queen Elizabeth II’s death (September 8, 2022), and the Israel/Hamas war (October 7, 2023). Figure 6 - Timeline chart of aggregated TikTok posts under analysis, making use of the term "major historical events" in their content. A commonly-used style for posts about crisis fatigue involves users filming themselves, overlaying text, and using audio from existing TikTok posts or other online content. Texts span between close captioning of audio used, to listing out world events over the past 20 years, to listing out concerns that users deal with (e.g. rising cost of living). Commonlyused audio included narration, as follows: 1. From a TikTok post by user @seanghedi (2021) – “I don’t know about you guys, but I am sick and tired of [upbeat music plays] living through major historical events.” 2. From a TikTok post by user @TheFitFlounder (2022) – “I am so fucking tired of living through major historical events every other goddamn day! Fuck! Knock it off!” 3. From a TikTok post by user @odette.net (2022) – “Living through historic events is fucking shit. Very, very shit indeed.” 15 4. From a video by YouTube creator, Jenna Marbles – “Here’s the truth: the fatigue, of like, just being alive is starting to set in. Figure 7 @josh_p_jackson (2021) Figure 8 @kindra_erhart (2022) Figure 9 @tea_moneyy (2022) Figure 10 @highcountryoutlaw (2022) On January 7, 2021, user @swanksinatra.1 published a post outlining the timeline of crisis events in relation to the Gen Z experience. The user starts off by stating that “Gen Z starts in like 2000, 2001. Immediately, 9/11 and the war in the Middle East happen.” He continues to list SARS, the 2008 economic crisis, the Syrian civil war, the Syrian refugee crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic, among global events in the Gen Z timeline. He finishes by saying, “literally, Gen Z’s been putting up with the world’s bullshit since the beginning.” 4.4. Survey results: the Gen Z experience Participants in the study were separated based on year ranges, to get an understanding of any possible variances due to life experiences: 1997-1999, 2000-2002 and 20032005. 18 participants were born between 1997-1999, 12 participants were born between 2000-2002 and 6 participants were born between 2003-2005. While there seemed to be 16 some correlation between age and experiences, each sample was too small to determine the strength of these correlations. To establish a baseline for analyzing mental health factors, participants were asked to rate their perceived mental health between 1-10. Though there were some variances, the majority of participants reported to be around the mid-range of 6. More participants reported to have a mental health score on the lower range, however, than in the higher range. Age vs. Perceived Mental Health 1997-1999 2000-2002 2003-2005 5 Number of participants 4 3 2 1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Perceived Mental Health Score (1=Poor; 10=Great) Figure 11 - Survey data on participants' perceived mental health, categorized by approximate years of birth. When asked about issues and concerns that participants think about on a weekly basis, responses averaged 6 or more life concerns (see Appendix K). When asked regarding world events participants remembered living through, at least 50% of respondents reported to remember living through at 8 (out of 13) or more of listed events (see Appendix L). Baseline mental health scores did not prove to be determinants on social media consumption habits; most participants reported an increase in use of social media when 17 they are experiencing “bad days,” or poor mental health. Those who reported showing the same consumption, or even a decrease in consumption on bad mental health days, were those who self-scored 6 or lower (Appendix M). This may be attributed to a desire to decrease further stimuli on mentally taxing days. Participants were then asked what types of activities they liked to do on “good days” (good mental health days) versus “bad days.” Overall, survey data illustrated that individuals were less likely to engage in physically- and socially-demanding tasks (Figure 12). Data also illustrated an increase in use of social media. Additionally, 34 out of 36 respondents reported to be on more than one social media platform (Appendix N). This would suggest further vulnerability to message fatigue due to amount of exposure to content via social media, especially when individuals are reporting poor mental health. Figure 12 - Survey data comparing activities that respondents engage in during "good days" and "bad days." Survey participants were provided an open-ended way to respond to “Finish the following sentence: When I watch/read the news (television, social media, etc), I feel…” Participant 4 relayed their experience as “[o]verwhelmed. Tired. Saturated. Makes me regret even trying to keep up with situations. It’s a never ending doom around us all.” 18 Participant 10 stated “I usually feel stressed and upset for the current state of my future and of others. I feel slightly angry in regards to our government and how they are ignorant of their constituents.” Figure 13 - Word cloud highlighting common themes and terms coming from survey participants' answers to the question "Finish the following sentence: When I watch/read the news (television, social media, etc), I feel…” There does seem to be a correlation in perceived mental health baselines and trust in public institutions (Appendix O), which is in line with Statistics Canada (2024) reports, stating that “[l]evels of trust in media were lowest among those who rated their mental health (69%) or general health (66%) as fair or poor, compared with those who had rated their mental health (50%) or general health (51%) as excellent or very good.” It is important to note, however, that despite relatively mixed trust expressed in public institutions, that a majority of survey participants still stated that they would turn to public institutions (government websites, news) for health information. When reflecting on their experience with COVID-19 communications, specifically those who lived in BC during the pandemic, there did not seem to be any correlation regarding frequency in seeking out health-related news and their opinion on the efficacy of the efforts. Overall, sentiment seemed relatively positive. 19 Figure 14 - Survey participants' sentiment on their experience with B.C.'s pandemic communication efforts. Sentiment regarding the amount of official messaging did not seem to have a significant relationship based on information-seeking habits. Those who leaned to less frequent checking habits (Rarely/Never & 1-2 times a week) expressed that there was enough information while those with more frequent checking habits (Daily/More than once a day) expressed that not enough information was available (Appendix P). Those who sought news 3-4 times a week were split in the middle, between feeling like enough information was available and not enough information being available (Appendix P). Overall, there does seem to be a distinct difference in social media consumption habits between now and during the COVID-19 pandemic (Figure 15). It is also worth noting that 86% of survey participants report to receiving health-related news on social media currently (Appendix Q) despite most expressing the sentiment that public health websites were most trust-worthy when seeking out health-related news during the pandemic (Appendix R). This seems to suggest that one of the first touchpoints to consider for Gen Z is social media, which can be used to feed into official government websites. 20 Figure 15 - Comparison chart of frequency that survey participants seek out health-related news, currently vs. during the COVID-19 pandemic. 4.5. Public health on TikTok Considering the large population of Gen Z TikTok users, there is a lack of presence on the platform when it comes to public health authorities. At the time of the study, only three health authorities (Vancouver Coastal Health, Fraser Health and Northern Health) appeared to be active on the platform, to varying degrees. Two accounts claim to represent Interior Health and Vancouver Island Health Authority, though there are no posts by nor connections to official sources to verify these channels. Providence Health Care and First Nations Health Authority do not have TikTok accounts. As of March 18, 2024, Vancouver Coastal Health had a total of 113 posts, and appeared to be most active out of all health authorities. Fraser Health had 91 posts, with their latest post published in March 2023. Northern Health had 16 posts, with their latest post being published in October 2023. 21 Figure 16 - Vancouver Coastal Health's TikTok posting frequency between 2020-2024. Figure 17 - Fraser Health's TikTok posting frequency between 2020-2024. 22 Figure 18 - Norther Health's TikTok posting frequency between 2020-2024. Vancouver Coastal Health and Fraser Health were seemingly the only health authorities active on TikTok during the pandemic, with first posts on both accounts published in August 2020. With respect to BC’s framework responding to pandemic phases outlined by the WHO, the creation of TikTok accounts occurred during Phase 6, seemingly under the following guidelines: Table 2 - Excerpt from the British Columbia Pandemic Response Plan (Government of British Columbia, 2012) Communication and Education Framework. Due to the lack of pre-established presence on the platform, however, health authorities not only needed to consider the delivery of messages to maximize views and engagement, but also build their audience to maintain engagement. One way of building audiences and reaching accounts would be to post frequently and maximize 23 discoverability – this strategy appeared to have been implemented by Fraser Health, publishing multiple TikToks in 2020, on the same days in some cases. However, this runs the risk of playing into message fatigue, especially for constituents following the account. Another possible strategy in line with guidelines would be to engage with constituents directly on TikTok through comments and direct messages; however, this would require dedicated resources to upkeep, to ensure key messages are being delivered appropriately and in a timely manner. Despite other disease outbreaks locally reported between 2021-2024, such as monkeypox and the avian flu, no posts were published between all three health authority accounts addressing these events. As posts regarding COVID-19 guidelines and vaccine announcements died down around 2022, subsequent posts between Vancouver Coastal Health and Fraser Health began promoting different focuses, with Vancouver Coastal Health promoting general health and Fraser Health focusing on employment recruitment efforts. With respect to the most updated WHO guidelines, future health crises may benefit from identifying in advance social media channels that would help maximize the following goals: Table 3 - Excerpt from the WHO’s ERC guidelines (World Health Organization, 2017). All health authorities’ TikTok accounts maintain open comment sections for most of their posts, providing a platform for open feedback from their constituents. However, there is seemingly a lack of engagement altogether across all three accounts, and low following numbers relative to the overall population of the health regions they service. 24 Chapter 5. Discussion Study findings appear to suggest the importance of social media in the sphere of health crisis and risk communications towards younger populations, at the very least within British Columbia and other parts of Canada. 86% of respondents stated that social media was one source they receive health-related news, in line with Statistics Canada’s findings (2024). Influence of official channels still seem to bear weight despite mixed trust levels towards public institutions – out of 32 respondents who answered the question “If another health crisis were to happen today, where would you go for information?” 21 (65%) of survey participants expressed that they would turn to public health and/or government sources. Sun & Lu’s observations of a reduction in psychological reactance when public health rebutted misleading content in their study (2023, p. 162) further suggest that an online presence is also important in battling misinformation. In contrast to Liu et. al’s (2021) findings of social media discontinuance following negative mental health outcomes from social media information overload, 83% of survey participants self-reported to increase social media usage on “bad days,” in comparison to “good days.” It is possible that social media consumption can differ based on regionspecific lifestyle factors – according to Statistics Canada, British Columbia ranked as one of the most active provinces in Canada between 2021-2022 (Appendix S), which may associate “good days” with higher engagement in physical and social. It is worth further investigating the relationship of these behaviours, as there pose risks of triggering an unhealthy habit loop: poor mental health leading to more social media use, more social media use leading to further message overload, message overload causing poor mental health outcomes through crisis fatigue, and poor mental health causing increased social media use, etc. 25 Chapter 6. Limitations Other qualitative methods, such as focus groups and interviews, would provide much deeper context and insight regarding perspectives and experiences from Gen Z, and would be best pursued in future research with an extended timeframe. Longitudinal research would help in understanding how technological advancements, as well as world events, affect the fluid nature of health communications, as well as the need to reassess frameworks and strategies to promote sustainable behaviour change during crisis events. While multi-year data collection initiatives have been pursued around the COVID-19 pandemic, like the BCCDC’s multi-year BC SPEAK Survey, it is worth noting that it is limited based on one specific phenomenon, rather than looking into health emergencies in its entirety. Small incentives may be worth considering in further study within younger populations: without incentives for participation, the survey only had an 8% completion rate, viewed over 425 times, attempted 59 times over the course of 10 days, and resulting in only 36 completions. Data was also skewed towards older participants – a more even spread of participants from all year categories would be beneficial in future studies. As the subject matter of the study was presented upfront to survey participants, as well as the process of self-selection acting as a participant filter, participation bias should be considered when assessing answers. Participation from those without pre-determined interest in the subject matter would be valuable in getting a better understanding of the pervasiveness of crisis fatigue, and how it affects trust in public institutions. Measures were taken to attempt to keep the survey local, however, due to its availability online, it is difficult to determine just how many participants were in British Columbia at the time of survey dissemination. As the survey was intended to be an initial gathering of overall Gen Z experiences, demographic data was also not collected – demographic information would provide more nuance to understand how socioeconomic status and culture affect perspectives, media consumption, and levels of trust in public institutions. 26 Chapter 7. Conclusion Hermeneutical gaps, according to Fricker (2007) can be seen as “blanks where there should be a name for an experience which it is in the interests of the subject to be able to render communicatively intelligible” (p. 180). It is possible that though “crisis fatigue” as a term is readily available, it does not serve to bridge the gap of understanding the unique experiences of Gen Z, especially when compared against experiences of other generations. Developing linguistic heuristics, according to Shulman et. al (2021), provides a “processing fluency […] that people use to make judgments about whether information is familiar, known, consistent with existing beliefs, and/or the type of material one typically engages with” (p. 548). Several limiting factors come into play when relaying messages through social media, necessitating the use of linguistic shortcuts – short time limits, competition for audience attention/engagement, and social media’s function in real-time conversations, among several others. With the proximity of COVID19 to the emergence of crisis fatigue in Gen Z discourse, it makes sense that the use of pandemic-related language goes further in being widely understood than newly popularized terms. It is important to acknowledge that as a social media platform, TikTok currently holds a contentious status in Canada considering ongoing concerns of foreign governance over collected user data (Previl, 2024). At the time of research, the Canadian federal government had already been months into a national security review on TikTok (Karadeglija, 2024). The future of mass communication on social media platforms in Canada is also currently undergoing many changes, most in part due to the passing of the Online News Act in December 2023, with unintended consequences such as Meta blocking Canadian access to news content on their multiple platforms. News releases and articles are an important tool in health crisis and risk communications, which would be more difficult to push to populations who are more likely to receive news through social media (Leger & Canadian Press, 2023; Statistics Canada, 2024). Considering that Meta platforms and TikTok are the most used platforms by Canadians (Dixon, 2024), long-term strategies would need to be developed that can maneuver these limitations. With that said, the landscape of social media remains fluid – other platforms may overtake Meta and TikTok in the near future, that would be worth looking into by public health. 27 In their guidance documentation, the WHO (2017) identifies multiple research gaps in risk communication, including research around social media information overload and lack of geographical diversity in studies (p.33). As new research emerges, especially following the COVID-19 pandemic, revisions should be considered to account for lessons learned, as well as changes in communications technologies. Social media, designed to be interactive and instant, is a powerful platform in facilitating public participation, timely message dissemination, monitoring constituent sentiment, and providing a feedback loop – it would be worth considering these platforms further up in the stages of risk and crisis frameworks, especially when attempting to establish authority and combating misinformation. The complex nature of building trust in public institutions must be further dissected, especially at a time when misinformation runs rampant. The WHO states that the trustbuilding process, investigated under their systemic review, saw less coverage on the recovery phase of emergency cycles as opposed to preparedness activities (2017, p. 11). This might be worth reconsidering due to the ongoing relationship between institutions and their constituents – a strong recovery phase may feed into stronger preparedness activities for future crisis events. As recommended by Seo et. al (2021), leveraging a variety of media and executing creative and innovative message design would aid in mitigating information overload, with careful mapping of channels to avoid oversaturation (p. 536). Use of existing jargon may supplement, if appropriate, to lessen additional processing effort required by constituents, though this would require close attunement on efficacy and monitoring of changes in sentiment. Last, but not least, continuous re-assessment of risk and crisis communication frameworks to adapt with new processes and technologies is imperative in ensuring that the needs and unique experiences of constituents are sufficiently met through times of crisis. 28 References American Psychological Association. (2018). 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Communicating risk in public health emergencies: A WHO guideline for emergency risk communication (ERC) policy and practice. https://iris.who.int/bitstream/handle/10665/259807/9789241550208eng.pdf?sequence=2 Wyton, M. (2022, January 29). B.C. is creating confusion with COVID communications, say critics. Mission City Record. https://www.missioncityrecord.com/news/b-c-iscreating-confusion-with-covid-communications-say-critics-2164568. Retrieved January 29, 2024. Yuzda, L. & Nia, N. (2023, December 5). B.C. to continue revamping healthcare system as population grows. Vancouver Sun. https://vancouver.citynews.ca/2023/12/05/bc-healthcare-system-revamp. Retrieved April 1, 2024. 34 Appendix A. Health authority areas in B.C. A map outlining the health authority areas in British Columbia (Government of British Columbia, 2022). 35 Appendix B. Survey Online survey disseminated online between March 12, 2024 – March 22, 2024. 36 37 38 39 40 41 Appendix C. Web content analysis, April 2020 – March 2021 Chart of posts to analyze between April 1, 2020 to March 31, 2021. The selected (checked) posts are those analyzed after filtering out non-relevant subject matter. 42 Appendix D. Web content analysis, April 2021 – March 2022 Chart of posts to analyze between April 1, 2021 to March 31, 2022. The selected (checked) posts are those analyzed after filtering out non-relevant subject matter. 43 Appendix E. Web content analysis, April 2022 – March 2023 Chart of posts to analyze between April 1, 2022 to March 31, 2023. The selected (checked) posts are those analyzed after filtering out non-relevant subject matter. 44 Appendix F. Web content analysis, April 2023 – March 2024 Chart of posts to analyze between April 1, 2023 to March 15, 2024. The selected (checked) posts are those analyzed after filtering out non-relevant subject matter. 45 Appendix G. WHO ERC Recommended Framework Structured recommendations from the World Health Organization’s Emergency Risk Communication framework (2017, p. iii), providing evidence-based guidelines for health organizations to use when communicating during health emergencies. 46 Appendix H. B.C. Influenza Pandemic Response Framework This table outlines the British Columbia’s Pandemic Response communication and education framework (Government of British Columbia, 2012). The phases are based on previous World Health Organization pandemic phase structure. 47 Appendix I. Web content analysis - categories Aggregated Google results on verbatim searches for the term “crisis fatigue,” colourcoded to categorize results based on publishing date, and categorized based on the function of the website pages are hosted on. 48 Appendix J. Evolution of Google definition of “crisis fatigue” The evolution of Google’s definition of “crisis fatigue,” from 2021-2024. 49 Appendix K. Gen Z weekly concerns Charting survey answers to the question: “On an average week, which of the following do you think about?” 50 Appendix L. World events during Gen Z’s lifetime Charting survey answers to: “In your lifetime, which world events do you remember living through?” Analysis was then conducted to understand approximate ages of respondents during these events. Survey Data World Events Boston Marathon Paris Attacks Brexit Sandy Hook Swine Flu Pandemic Hurricane Katrina Global (2008) financial crisis Avian Flu Outbreak BP Oil Spill 9/11 SARS outbreak Occupy Wall Street Arab Spring Date(s) Responses % of respondents Average ages at tail end of events 1997- 2000- 20031999 2002 2005 April 15, 2013 30 83.33% 14-16 11-13 8-10 November 2015 29 80.56% 16-18 13-15 10-12 2016-2020 27 75.00% 21-23 18-20 15-17 December 14, 2012 25 69.44% 13-15 10-12 7-9 2009-2010 Aug 23, 2005 – Aug 31, 2005 22 61.11% 11-13 8-10 5-7 19 52.78% 8-6 3-5 0-2 2007-2008 18 50.00% 9-11 6-8 3-5 2020-2024 April 20, 2010 - September 19, 2010 18 50.00% 25-27 22-24 19-21 16 44.44% 13-11 8-10 5-7 September 11, 2001 9 25.00% 4-2 0-1 N/A 2002-2004 September 17 - November 15, 2011 9 25.00% 7-5 2-4 1-0 8 22.22% 12-14 9-11 6-8 2010-2012 3 8.33% 13-15 10-12 7-9 51 Appendix M. Social media habits vs. perceived mental health Charting out changes in social media habits of survey respondents based on perceived good days and bad days, to be compared to baseline reported mental health state. Response ID On average, how would you rate your mental health? 1 = poor, 10 = great When you’re having a good day, how much time do you spend on social media? When you’re having a bad day, how much time do you spend on social media? Changes in social media use 1 2 6 3 5-8 hours 1-4 hours 9-12 hours 9-12 hours Increase Increase 3 6 5-8 hours 12+ hours Increase 4 6 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 5 6 4 5 5-8 hours 1-4 hours 9-12 hours 5-8 hours Increase Increase 7 4 1-4 hours 9-12 hours Increase 8 3 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 9 10 9 6 1-4 hours 1-4 hours 5-8 hours 5-8 hours Increase Increase 11 6 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 12 7 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 13 14 6 5 1-4 hours 9-12 hours 1-4 hours 1-4 hours Same Decrease 15 3 1-4 hours 0 hours Decrease 16 4 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 17 18 3 5 1-4 hours 1-4 hours 5-8 hours 9-12 hours Increase Increase 19 5 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 20 6 5-8 hours 9-12 hours Increase 21 22 7 6 1-4 hours 1-4 hours 5-8 hours 1-4 hours Increase Same 23 6 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 24 7 1-4 hours 9-12 hours Increase 25 26 6 3 1-4 hours 1-4 hours 5-8 hours 5-8 hours Increase Increase 27 6 5-8 hours 9-12 hours Increase 28 3 1-4 hours 9-12 hours Increase 29 30 5 3 1-4 hours 5-8 hours 1-4 hours 12+ hours Same Increase 31 4 1-4 hours 1-4 hours Same 32 7 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 33 34 3 3 1-4 hours 1-4 hours 5-8 hours 12+ hours Increase Increase 35 6 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 36 8 1-4 hours 5-8 hours Increase 52 Appendix N. Number of social media platforms used Charting out social media platforms respondents report being on, compared to approximate ages. 53 Appendix O. Trust in institutions vs. perceived mental health Charting out reported trust levels in institutions, between 1-10 (1 = poor; 10 = great), alongside reported baseline mental health levels per respondent. 54 Appendix P. Sentiment of COVID-19 messaging in B.C. Sentiment over availability of COVID-19 messaging during the pandemic, for participants who were living in British Columbia between 2020-2021. Answers were categorized based on how often each participant sought out health-related news. 55 Appendix Q. How do you receive health-related news (currently)? Charting out where survey participants currently receive health-related news. 56 Appendix R. What sources did you find trust-worthy when looking for information on COVID-19? Charting out where survey participants received health-related news during the COVID19 pandemic. 57 Appendix S. Health characteristics, annual estimates. Table of health characteristics from Statistics Canada (2023) data, filtered to show percentage of population per province (excluding territories) engaging in regular physical activity. 58